Nick Griffin explains why, in the long run, the rise of Ukip is an opportunity for genuine nationalism
In Part 1 of this article we examined the main factors involved in the artificial promotion of Ukip – and ways in which we can begin to counter this remarkable phenomenon and turn it to our advantage.
Incidentally, in listing what we in the BNP have faced as part of the Establishment campaign to halt our advance and so create the political space for Ukip to pose as an ‘alternative’, I forgot to mention the Queen, Prince Charles, the General Synod of the Church of England, the Methodist Church, the modernist wing of the Catholic Church and the National Union of Teachers.
I predicted that, we would “prove on May 2nd that we have just developed a fresh capacity to pose a real threat to the System parties”.
The potential of this new capacity has indeed been shown by the result in Maryport South, where ten weeks of work by a small but highly motivated team enabled us not only to crush the Ukip challenge but also to secure over 40% of the vote – the second highest ever nationalist score in a County Council election.
I also referred to our experiment with a tough anti-Ukip message on two waves of leaflets in the South Shields by-election. Unfortunately I have to tell you that the jury is still out on the potential impact of such a campaign, because there was massive non-delivery of the leaflets by the Post Office.
Even worse, our leaflets aimed at the postal voters, even where they were delivered; hit the doormats long after the postal votes arrived.
At best, even though our leaflets were first in to the Post Office, they were the last out. That’s another thing I missed off the list of what has been done to artificially suppress the BNP – huge scale interference with the distribution of our election addresses by the Post Office.
We have to work harder to deal with this problem, not least by developing the network of eyes and ears that come from intensive community work.
The recurrent problem with the Post Office thus highlights yet again the importance of growing local roots and starting from lowest level of political representation – Parish and Town councils and District council seats - rather than jumping at the top rung of the ladder where parties rely on state institutions and the controlled media to reach the public.
Such work is, by its very nature, slow and labour intensive. It has to be done systematically, both in terms of geographical reach and over time.
It can therefore only be undertaken effectively by an organization that possesses unity of purpose, discipline and high morale.
Foundation stones of BNP progress
Thus the starting point for our fight back against the Establishment’s Ukip safety valve has to be the development of our own identity and cohesion.
The Ukip bubble is making it harder for us at present, both by taking votes and by recruiting disillusioned people who otherwise could well be joining us.
The first step in dealing with this is to get the facts straight in our own heads: Ukip is NOT a nationalist party, even though the vast majority of its voters are motivated by essentially nationalist concerns and values.
Perhaps the most dismaying thing I came across in the recent election was one of our own moderators posting a comment on this website advising people without a BNP candidate to vote Ukip.
Such politically juvenile nonsense has got to go. We have to open clear white water between them and us. Right-wing conservatism is not nationalism.
Free trade and capitalism are not nationalist; they are even more incompatible with nationalism than is Marxism.
Tactically too, success for Ukip is more dangerous for real nationalism than any Labour or Islamist party landslide could ever be.
While Ukip contains and attracts many good people, it is at present the core of our problem, not part of the solution.
Fortunately, there are two key areas in which we must – and easily can - develop a healthy gap between us and them:
a) Immigration, Islam and Identity
Ukip openly boasts of being a “libertarian, free trade party”. The name and free trade dogma of Adam Smith are repeatedly invoked on its website.
This ultra-capitalist position has at its rotten heart belief in the economic and moral necessity for the free movement of goods, capital and labour.
So not only does Ukip subscribe to the Trotskyite-inspired creed of ‘anti-racism’, it also believes that economics are the most important factor in our national life - more important than identity, culture and the survival of our people.
This is why, although they pose as an anti-immigration party, Ukip in fact only oppose immigration from white, Christian eastern Europe, while quietly being in favour of the immigration of about 300,000 cheap labour Asians and Africans every year.
Ukip is a hyper materialist party, for whom Profit is God. Their Mammon is the most jealous god of all. Which is why it took Farage just 24 hours after his big election breakthrough to signal a ‘softening’ of Ukip’s bogus ‘hardline’ anti-immigration stance (Guardian, May 4th 2013).
On Islam, too, Ukip has a potentially electorally damaging weakness: Despite its clear status as yet another Zionist puppet, Farage is on record as saying that he has “no problem with Islam”.
While most of his voters would no doubt disagree, Nigel is all too well aware of the fact that his popularity was bestowed on him by the BBC more than any other institution in the country.
And what the BBC gives, the BBC can take away, hence his extreme wariness of upsetting the Islamophiles in Bush House.
All of which provides an obvious and yawning gulf between Ukip and the BNP – a gulf on which, if the choice is set out plainly – the vast majority of Ukip’s May 2nd voters are on our side, not Nigel’s.
b) Economics and social justice.
This difference between us is even more marked here. While Ukip’s efforts to steal our anti-immigration thunder are utterly deceitful, they are at least honest in their plans to give free rein for the banksters and corporations to loot Britain, their support for the dismantling of the national state through privatisation and economy-breaking and community-shattering austerity, and for the concentration of more and more property in hands of a smaller and smaller, and richer and richer, minority.
As the rolling financial crisis and the greed of the elite continue to savage the living standards and security of ordinary people, the ‘appeal’ of Ukip’s ultra-Thatcherism will wane - to working class voters in particular.
Even if Ukip were to survive Nigel’s immense personal ambition to become a Tory MP, Ukip’s economic policies will continue to appeal to some in the elderly middle classes, but the more the economic and social pain pile up, the larger will be the gap for a party of the patriotic, non-Marxist ‘left’, especially in England.
The British National Party must fill that gap.
We need to get this into our collective head for once and for all. Nationalism isn’t about the ‘me, me, me’ of the pro-capitalist right.
It’s about ‘us’. It’s not about the rights of super-rich individuals, it’s about the rights of the community, the people, the nation, the race.
And it is precisely the ‘us’ factor that is missing in modern British politics.
The selfishness and disengagement that at first sight appear to be the problem are in fact only a symptom.
People want to believe, they want to do good things – you can see that from the huge popularity of worthy charities. But the political elite have wrecked not just our country but also people’s faith in politicians, politics and democracy.
They think (with good reason) that the country is finished. They fear (again, perfectly reasonably) that no one can put it all right. So they have given up on the apparently doomed ‘us’, withdrawing instead to their ‘me’ – them, their family and immediate friends.
Having knocked on the doors of people in Maryport who had not even bothered to get themselves on the Electoral Register, I can tell you from direct personal experience that many of them only need a nudge, only need a glimmer of hope, only need someone to reassure them that their views are understood, for them to be reinvolved.
That’s how (despite the corrupt failure of the council even to process many of those registration forms) we got the council election turnout in a working class ward up to levels rarely even seen in middle class ones.
But I can also tell you that door-knocking and deliveries of Freedom will not touch the 60% who have already given up on local government politics and who are likely to give up even on national politics if the future bursting of the Ukip bubble happens at a time when the BNP has still not recovered fully organizationally from the war of attempted political extermination that the Establishment has waged against us.
The key to full recovery – and success
Fortunately, the key to fully recovery from that war is the same as that needed to catch the imagination and revive the political interest of the disengaged 60%.
What is needed now is not for nationalists to turn away from the people. The answer is not in defeatist fantasies of running for the hills and establishing isolated ‘all-white communities’, while indulging in cowardly and snobbish sour grapes claims that “the masses aren’t worth saving anyway”.
Just look at what the winners do! Muslims fundamentalists didn’t go off in a sulk when the Arab masses turned to secular socialists like Nasser.
They simply knuckled down to the long job of building the alternative welfare system that has since convinced huge number of ordinary people that someone is on their side.
"It's OK for the Muslims, they've got limitless amounts of Saudi oil money to fund their welfare programmes," is a riposte I've heard to this analysis.
The answer, of course, is "Golden Dawn."
The controversial Greek nationalist party has no oil money and no big backers. It certainly doesn't have decades of experience in running practical or even symbolic relief operations, because only a few years ago it had so little support that it temporarily disbanded.
The common denominator between the Muslim Salafists and Golden Dawn is that their people believe. They are first and foremost idealists.
But, just as important, they are also deeply practical. So they reject the idea of sitting around moaning or demanding perfection, in favour of taking what they have and turning to action.
Are we inferior to Arabs? Are we lazier than Greeks? A double 'No'?
Then it's time to prove it! Real nationalism is manifested not just through words and intellectually convincing programmes. It is also about developing and putting into practice an ethos of service and sacrifice.
Positive, practical idealism
The selfish, callous, snobbish Thatcherism of Ukip's leadership needs to be countered by a positive, practical idealism. At present, the BBC has managed to convince a quarter of the 35% who still vote regularly that Ukip might be different.
That leaves over 90% of British adults to be convinced that we ARE different - not by what anyone else says, not by what we say, but by what we DO.
This is so important that we have to find ways to make serious and sustained community action the very core of party activities. Such a radical change will encounter resistance from the lazy, the stupid and the stick-in-the-muds.
Fortunately, the visionaries, the ambitious, the good people who seriously want to win will carry it through and move us forward.
A significant number of our members have already got this point, at least in principle.
But there is a difference between 'getting it' and doing it. "It's a great idea, and it's great to see the BNP doing it," was typical of the supportive comments on our website on the couple of reports we had of our late winter experiment with local food banks.
What the hell is wrong with people?
Is it decades of television that has turned so many from doers into watchers? Have generations of professional sports turned a nation of active players into passive spectators who cheer when their team wins, but won't do anything to help it win?
Even those involved in several of these experiments don't perhaps yet understand the full potential or the real significance of what they've started. "We'll do it again next winter," one pioneer told me last month.
No! No! No!
It can't wait until next winter; we've got to press on with developing the experience and individual initiatives that will grow into a whole network of ward food banks, right now.
There are two reasons for this: First, because, while pensioners die of cold only in winter, some pensioners and even more young families are going to bed hungry tonight.
And this is before the government's futile but ugly austerity cuts and another round of cheap, labour immigration really strike home.
In such times, we nationalists have a moral duty to be out there, campaigning to give hope to those who need material help, and a sense of involvement and purpose to those who do not, but who see their country and their community slipping away.
Second, we know from our experiment with voter registration in Maryport that the key to reinvolving depoliticised working class voters isn't just delivering the right literature and then knocking on their doors.
While there is already a good deal of sympathy for us as a party in such areas, what really makes it touch down into active enthusiasm is having a locally known candidate who is already trusted as a pillar of the grass-roots community.
Such a reputation isn't easily won, but nor is it out of reach.
There are many different ways to develop it, but so far I've not seen a better proposal than putting our future candidate at the head of a local drive to collect saleable jumble and car boot items, and then to convert them into the cash needed to fund a quarterly food aid operation.
That's why this isn't an optional extra, or something for next winter. It's got to be started now. And kept going. And going. And going.
Making (further) plans for Nigel
So that’s what we’ve got to do to and with the BNP.
Now let’s move on to examine what we need to do to and with Ukip.
The best thing about Ukip's high profile licenced rebellion is that it is politicising and attracting significant numbers of new people.
Some we would have reached, others were not in any case ready to come to us. Many middle class types won't realise the need for radical economic change - particularly breaking the obscene greed and power of the banksters' fiat money conjuring trick - until the super rich and the broken system destroy their relatively comfortable life and steal their pensions.
As I said in Part 1 of this article, “ there is enormous scope to use the Internet to inject a starter-culture of genuine nationalist ideology and political awareness into Ukip in a way that old-fashioned purges against physical entryism will be powerless to stop.”
It will only, for example, take a few of Ukip's rank-and-file who have heard about Common Purpose for them to spread the word to the rest.
And they'll go and look. Online, it's only a few clicked links from Common Purpose to the Frankfurt School and the war by the Left and their capitalist puppet masters against our people.
It’s not far from there to genuine, ethnic nationalism.
There’s not a million internet links from Common Purpose to the banksters' swindle. Just a couple of clicks from Common Purpose to the Bilderbergers.
Not far from the conspiratorial origins of the EU to the New World Order.
It's not many clicks of the mouse or evenings trawling the web from thinking Maggie was wonderful to learning about Victor Rothschild and understanding what she really was and the devastation and theft she unleashed.
Conveyor belt to radicalism
Newcomers to politics through Ukip are thus on a conveyor belt to radicalization. But we don’t have to sit back passively and wait for it to happen.
We can and must speed up the process of the radicalisation of Ukip. We can and must take active steps to exploit the Law of Unintended Consequences by casting ideological ground bait into the big Ukip pond that the BBC and Mr Murdoch have created for us.
I am not proposing organisational entryism on the lines of the Trotskyite Militant Tendency takeover bid of the 1980s Labour Party. Not only is that model impractical in the case of a Ukip in which Farage has an iron grip, all the money, a long history of ruthless expulsions of dissidents and a proven record of working with anti-nationalist groups such as Searchlight to identify and purge those with links to us.
In addition to these insurmountable practical problems, there is also the simple, fortunate fact that physical infiltration is no longer necessary as the precursor to the spreading of ‘subversive’ ideas.
In the 1980s, ideas could only be spread by militants physically attending meetings, selling papers and getting prospects to meetings in the smoky back rooms of pubs.
Today, the Internet short-circuits the whole process. All we need to do is to develop ways to jump start it.
A Ukip insider tells me many of party's young apparatchiks are libertarian, neo-con and pro-Zionist.
But also that the party contains many traditional, right-wing Conservatives. These people are already sound on things such as immigration, family values etc, but suffer from what Marxists would describe as 'false consciousness' in terms of their mistaking monopolistic capitalism for private initiative and enterprise.
The latter are fair game for us, but only after a prolonged period of step-by-step political education of the kind outlined above. Among Ukip’s new voters and potential recruits, on the other hand, there are huge numbers who are already are instinctively supportive of huge chunks of our ideas.
Ukip’s coming implosion
These are the people we most need to reach and prepare for the time when Ukip implodes, as such incoherent, mushroom-growth populist protest movements always do.
Indeed, there are clear signs that Ukip is even more unstable than most such parties. In part 1 of this study – written only two weeks ago – I predicted that “there is a reasonable possibility that the real killer blow to Ukip will be delivered by Nigel Farage himself within a couple of years”.
His comments since election suggest this is now not a “reasonable possibility” so much as a safe bet. Farage is openly talking about a deal with the post-Cameron Tory party, a deal which could easily see an early referendum, Nigel and some of his cronies getting safe Westminster seats, and the actual or effective destruction of Ukip as a separate party.
At which point, the huge patriotic protest vote they have mobilised will be freed up for us, not least because Ukip have already destroyed the several civic nationalist splinter groups which previously used on occasion to get in our way.
So, for all genuine nationalists, there are only two realistic paths ahead. The first is to be active with the BNP, helping us to roll out our new yet already proven approach of practical idealism within communities to build support, followed by voter registration drives to harness it.
The second is for those individuals out there who, having got suckered into one of the little cliques of paid wreckers and useful idiots a couple of years ago, now either feel unable to join the BNP or have so blotted their copybooks that we can’t possibly take them back.
Nationalism’s Long March
They can still play a valuable role in the next stage of nationalism’s Long March: They should join Ukip, if necessary under false names.
Not to stand as candidates, but just to do enough to be accepted as good members and to be able to collect email addresses, and to gain enough respect within their local areas to be listened to when they give their wet behind the ears Ukip colleagues a few subtle pointers as to some of the things really going on out there in the big, bad world.
The internet will do the rest.
If, between us, nationalists simply get on with these two jobs, time and the tide of Fate will do the rest.
The curious long-term role of Ukip in the providential order of things will then one day become clear.
So don't be frightened of Ukip and don't resent their temporary success.
We are merely in one stage, possibly quite a short-lived stage, of a historical journey. Ukip may look like a huge problem, but with the right approach we will in fact discover that it is merely another opportunity in disguise.
There’s plenty for everyone to do – so let’s get to work!
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