Dizaei of Dock Green

Wed, 30/01/2013 - 18:00
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By Man of Kent -E-mails from the Metropolitan Police these days have a long disclaimer at the bottom, stating that the message must not contain ‘racist, homophobic, transphobic, sexist, defamatory, offensive, illegal or otherwise inappropriate material’.
 

The fact that a police force has ‘illegal’ at the end of the list and ‘racist’ at the top shows us the way we live now.
In this environment, Muslims have managed to reach top positions in the police not because of their ability but because they are members of the race relations industry, which now resembles a powerful mafia.

Nothing moves in Britain without its consent, without being checked first against dodgy quotas on ‘diversity’, ‘equality’ and ‘fairness’ - in effect, seeing what is in it for them, which is their only interest, just like mobsters.

The sentencing in February 2010 of Met Police commander Ali Dizaei to four years imprisonment, convicted of perverting the course of justice and of misconduct in a public office, revealed how much this mafia has contaminated the fight against crime.

This corrupt Iranian thug made the highest ranks solely because he ran the National Black Police Association, when the only thing black about him was his hair dye.

Olive-skinned, contemptuously swaggering around London with his third wife, the implausibly named Shy, who looked more like a gangster’s moll than Mrs Dixon of Dock
Green, he resembled an archetypical Mafioso more than a policeman.

As a cunning manipulator of racial politics, he naturally fooled the BBC, who had made his dishonest memoir, Not One of Us, its Radio 4 Book of the Week.
Interviewees are required by the BBC to state their ethnic origin beforehand. Checking any further than that is obviously not deemed necessary.

Dizaei comes from a family of baseej, a police force notoriously thuggish in a part of the world where the only law is the arbitrary fatwas of Islamic rulers, who regard issues such as allowing men to wear a tie or to shave their beard as ‘complicated religious questions’ best left to them to resolve otherwise it ‘weakens the government’, and the idea of justice is Sharia laced with the revenge of clan feuds.

You would have thought that this alone would have made even the BBC wary. Then, once in Britain, he had the gall to write a PhD thesis on racial discrimination in the British police force and, bursting with insincere indignation, to become a regular media commentator on ethnicity and religion.

All this sort of thing, and there is a lot of it, is done with a degree of cynicism incomprehensible to indigenous Britons. It is this incomprehension, this inability to understand such evil, which allows the settlers to get away with it.

In 2006 a secret, high-level Met Police report concluded that Muslim officers were more likely to be corrupt than indigenous officers because of their cultural and family backgrounds.

Of course, the report, which was actually written by an Asian detective chief inspector, was howled down as ‘racist’ - exactly the same defence that Dizaei hid his dirty deeds behind.
Dizaei’s career shows that the racial politics of modern policing has deliberately divided the public it serves into the ‘white community’ and the ‘black community’.

It is a form of racism, cynically and lucratively propagated by the likes of Dizaei.

Even before his conviction for corruption, he had faced allegations of taking drugs, spying for Iran, accepting bribes, using prostitutes, fiddling his expenses, abusing his police credit cards and fabricating evidence.

The investigation into the allegations, code-named Operation Helios, cost £4m and involved more than 50 officers. It was the most expensive operation against a single officer in the history of Scotland Yard.

He was suspended in January 2001, charged with perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office and submitting false mileage expense claims, but welcomed back in September 2003 by Commissioner Sir John Stevens after being cleared of the charges, and promoted.

The National Black Police Association, of which Dizaei was president, demanded a full independent inquiry into the investigation. This demand was naturally met, and the inquiry, headed by Lord Morris, concluded that the investigation was disproportionate and that Dizaei’s race and ethnicity played a part in the manner in which the investigation was conducted.

Not only was Dizaei acquitted; after he was reinstated he then brought his own claim for racial discrimination in the conduct of the investigation and was awarded £60,000.

All these suave knights and lords, with their plummy accents, being taken in and exploited by a slimy thug from Tehran!
Dizaei then made even more money from the case by publishing his version of his career to date and of the Operation Helios investigation.
The Times and BBC Radio 4 serialised it, and the Guardian gushed.

In June 2007 another knight, Sir Ian Blair, the Met Police chief commissioner, apologised for Operation Helios.
In March 2008, at the third attempt, Dizaei was promoted to the rank of Commander.

Six months later he was the subject of a complaint alleging he had improperly provided advice to a solicitor named Shahrokh Mireskandari, a fellow Iranian, close friend and convicted fraudster who was defending a woman accused over a fatal hit-and-run accident.

The Metropolitan Police Authority was still investigating this alleged misconduct, which he naturally denied, when he was suspended again just six days later, accused of yet another offence, this time the one for which he was finally nabbed.

Outside a London restaurant called Persian Yas owned by his uncle, Sohrab Eshragi, in which Dizaei had just eaten a meal with his wife after attending a ceremony at New Scotland Yard for new recruits, the officer assaulted and falsely arrested a young man who said in court he came from Iraq and was named al-Baghdadi, in a dispute over £600.

At the trial a police doctor told the court injuries Dizaei claimed had been caused by al-Baghdadi were probably self-inflicted. When officers arrived, Dizaei had handed them the metal mouthpiece of a shisha pipe, held on al-Baghdadi’s key ring, and claimed he had been stabbed with it, but the doctor concluded that two red marks on his torso did not match the pipe.

The jury also heard that Dizaei rarely paid for his meals and while at the restaurant habitually left his unmarked car on a double yellow line.
Eshragi told the jury Baghdadi was ‘a crook, basically’, adding, ‘His history… everybody knows he’s not a good gentleman.

I was worried about this man.
He was in a fight before and disappeared before the police arrived.’
Confirming the perception that Dizaei resembled a Mafioso, Baghdadi told the jury he saw Dizaei as a gangster ‘like Tony Montana’, the Cuban mob boss played by Al Pacino in the film Scarface.

But in December it was revealed that al-Baghdadi had used a false name and nationality when he appeared in court.
Documents seen by BBC News suggested al-Baghdadi’s real name was Maleki and that he too was Iranian.
This contradicts statements he gave to the Independent Police Complaints Commission and evidence he gave under oath in court.
These people ALL seem dodgy.
Uncle Eshragi’s history probably does not bear too much scrutiny either.

We are constantly expected to forget that the mindset of these interlopers is different to ours.
Maybe their descendants will assimilate (though Dizaei’s son goes on about what a fine, noble chap his father is, which does not augur well, and this again raises the question of who will assimilate whom) but even if they do, my generation meanwhile has to co-exist with this generation, share our land with swarthy duckers and divers, dusky spivs, brown adventurers up to every trick going and inventing more. I feel surrounded by alien predators.
In Iran, the charge of ‘corrupt on Earth’ carries the death penalty.

Where Dizaei comes from, he would have been topped.
Apparently, at his trial Dizaei glared at the jury throughout, unable to desist from his habitual attempted intimidation.

But the jury refused to be bullied; as did inmates at Edmunds Hill prison in Suffolk, where, just days after being sent there, he had excrement poured over his head and was knocked unconscious in a violent attack.
This was good news. It showed that at least the lower orders understood the nature of the likes of Dizaei even if the knights and lords were fooled.

The combination of Britain’s libel laws and the power of the race relations industry has made investigative journalism an expensive luxury.
Newspapers that reveal anything dodgy about any ethnic risk losing a lot of money.
In late 2009 Dizaei received huge sums in damages from no fewer than three newspapers.

In September he won a High Court action against the Daily Mail and the London Evening Standard over what they had written about him. They were forced to issue an apology and pay substantial damages.
On receipt of the apology he issued further proceedings against the Daily Mail for an allegedly defamatory article.

Then, only three months later, in December, he accepted a substantial payout and an apology from the News of the World for false allegations in an article.
The paper backed down and apologised in the face of legal action from Dizaei, after it claimed the officer ‘employed an illegal immigrant as his right-hand man and took him to the heart of the British establishment.’

The paper also paid the said immigrant, one Ace Bakhtyari, who was later jailed for having a fake passport and deported. One can fairly assume not only that Bakhtyari kept his payout but that he immediately obtained a new false passport and came straight back.

The problem is, Britain’s libel laws act in the reverse manner to the rest of British law, which is the widely acclaimed principle of being innocent until proven guilty.
When it comes to libel, the opposite applies. What with this twisted legal bias and the risk of newspapers being branded racist, ethnics, especially Muslims, make merry.

Dizaei, already earning a considerable salary as a leading policeman, supplemented his earnings with vast sums from litigation.
In 2009, it amounted to a lucrative career in its own right.
Dizei was released after serving a year of his sentence when the Court of Appeal quashed the conviction.

But then guilty verdicts for a second time, at a retrial, meant there was now no way back for him, although his new three-year sentence would be reduced by the 15 months he had already spent behind bars.

He had won his job back with the Met before the retrial and would remain a senior police officer until the bureaucratic formal process of throwing him out of the force could be completed.

He would then be sacked for gross misconduct and could face losing all or part of his pension under further measures aimed at punishing corrupt officers.

What a performance, all caused by rampant political correctness!
An article in the Daily Mail on February 16th 2012 by a former colleague of Dizaei showed how political correctness was ruining Britain’s police.

Former detective chief superintendent Kevin Hurley wrote that the Met has been paralysed by fears of being branded racist.
‘The Metropolitan Police continues to stumble from one self-inflicted crisis to another, weakening its ability to fight genuine crime,’ he wrote.

‘It is a force that for too long has been gripped by a dangerous cocktail of poor leadership, politically correct dogma, warped priorities and tactical incompetence.

‘Those flaws have been graphically illustrated by the appalling case of Ali Dizaei, the notoriously corrupt Iranian-born officer who was this week sent back to jail for a second time after his conviction for perverting the course of justice.

‘Only an organisation obsessed with the creed of diversity and lacking in moral integrity would have allowed a swaggering, criminal bully like Dizaei to rise up its hierarchy and gain a senior position.

‘He should have been drummed out long ago, not constantly rewarded with promotion.
‘But Dizaei is a symbol of the rot within the top ranks of the Met.

Too many senior officers seem to have forgotten that their central duty is to protect the law-abiding British public.
‘Instead of taking tough decisions - like challenging Dizaei - they indulge in politicised manoeuvres designed to protect their own backs and further their own careers.

‘The high command of the Met inhabits a culture where cowardice is dressed up as pragmatism, where a talent for spouting jargon trumps determination to take on the criminals.

‘The biggest losers from this approach are not just ordinary decent British citizens, but also the constables out on the streets, often doing a heroic, selfless job only to be undermined by their selfish, careerist superiors. It is no exaggeration to say that the Met frontline are lions led by vacillating donkeys.

‘As a former detective chief superintendent at the Met myself, I have been appalled by the Dizaei saga. I was actually the borough commander in West London at the time when he tried to frame al-Baghdadi.

The incident ultimately led to two criminal trials and Dizaei’s conviction this week.
But from the moment Dizaei hauled al-Baghdadi into Hammersmith police station on charges of assault, I had the severest doubts about his tale.

This was not just because of the unconvincing nature of his story that al-Baghdadi had attacked him, which turned out to be a pack of lies, but also because of Dizaei’s appalling record of dishonesty, corruption and abuse of office.
‘Like almost everyone else in the Met, I had always known that he was a wrong ’un.

‘On a superficial level, he could be charming and personable, but his easy manner barely disguised his dark side.
He was a figure of epic venality, ambition and ruthlessness, his entire career geared towards furthering his own interests, regardless of the legality or probity of his methods.

When he joined the Met as a superintendent in 1999, former colleagues in the Thames Valley Police, where he was an officer for more than a decade, warned us to beware, telling us of his enthusiasm for playing the race card to achieve his ends.

‘But in a climate of hysteria over accusations of “institutionalised racism”, the Met’s top brass were desperate to recruit more ethnic minority senior officers.’

The warnings from Thames Valley Police were grimly fulfilled. Dizaei was a master at using fears about racism to thwart any challenge to his increasingly aggressive, self-serving conduct.

The National Black Police Association was his chosen instrument with which to bully and intimidate the Met’s hierarchy.
‘He became a law unto himself.

The Met’s terror of taking any action against him made him feel even more invincible.
‘Even the Independent Police Complaints Commission, normally all too keen on enforcing the politically correct code, urged the Met to discipline Dizaei - but top commanders were too pusillanimous to do so.
Most had prospered by avoiding tough decisions.

‘They were not going to risk all by taking on a formidable adversary who loved to smear his critics as racists.
‘Thanks to their lack of courage, he got away with behaviour that would have led to the sacking of any other Met employee.
‘So he gained a PhD with a thesis attacking the Met on racism, while in 2007 he wrote an autobiographical book which contained severe criticism of the Met.
Yet instead of being sacked for gross disloyalty, he was promoted.

‘Can you imagine any successful company that would behave in such a pathetic manner towards a senior member of staff making money out of trashing the firm’s reputation?
‘Fuelled by his invulnerability, Dizaei’s ego was legendary among the rank-and-file. On one occasion he alleged that two constables had damaged his private car.

On investigation, it turned out that the damage was inflicted by one of his many mistresses.
‘Any other officer behaving in that way would have been disciplined or sacked, especially because he had shown such a contemptible lack of respect towards the two constables.
‘But nothing happened to Dizaei, protected as he was by the shield of spurious anti-racism. On another occasion, he drove into the station and parked so carelessly that he blocked the exit of the emergency response vehicles.
 

Almost immediately, the emergency vehicle was needed.“Can you move your car?” called out the officers, needing to rush to the scene of the incident. “You move it,” replied Dizaei, throwing them the keys and marching brazenly inside.
That was the arrogance of the man.

He had no sense of public service, not a shred of decency. ‘He was a brute in uniform, who once threatened to kill the mother of one of his mistresses “like a dog”.

But he was clever enough to exploit the political pressures on the Met for more than a decade. ‘And, of course, political correctness was to blame for the pusillanimous way the rampaging gangs of looters and vandals - many from ethnic minorities - were dealt with during the riots last summer.

Paralysed by political correctness and accusations of racism, terrified of being accountable for controversial decisions over public order, the Met’s senior officers allowed the mob to control the streets for five days before launching a crackdown. This is not the police force that the public deserves.’

Throughout the Muslim world men join the police for the money they can make from intimidation, bribery and their own crimes, often violent, which go far beyond the old occasional British ‘bent copper’, and, naturally, quite a few do this here also.
In 2010 a corrupt London policeman named Mesut Karakas was jailed for 14 years for leading an ethnic gang in a plot to kidnap a bank manager and steal £100,000.

Karakas was sentenced for planning to snatch the Lloyds TSB manager and his wife in London. The five-man plot involved staging fake roadworks outside the bank manager’s home as a distraction.
But the gang was under surveillance by Scotland Yard detectives who bugged Karakas’s car and arrested them.

Transcripts of the gang detailing the plan reveal Karakas referring to his fellow-ethnic gang members as ‘bruv’ and ‘blood’ and to his Met colleagues, childishly, as though acting in an American crime film, as ‘feds’.

The ‘feds’ found four sets of false number plates, industrial gaffer tape, dust masks, a balaclava, handcuffs, industrial ear protectors and the van intended for the snatch.
Other law enforcement agencies, as well as the police, are also vulnerable to Muslim corruption.

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), the body that reviews evidence gathered by police and then decides if cases should go to court, has irresistible opportunities for bribery for a case to be dropped.
In July 2010 a Muslim senior crown prosecutor who accepted a £20,000 bribe to drop a case was jailed for four years.

Sarfraz Ibrahim, who worked for Gwent CPS, was caught in a police sting. He was jailed at Swansea Crown Court for corruption, perverting the course of justice and misconduct in a public office.
Ibrahim was arrested after being caught in an undercover sting operation carried out by the Serious Organised Crime Agency (Soca).

He and an associate were put under surveillance when Soca grew anxious about Ibrahim’s potentially corrupt activities.
An ‘integrity test’ was devised to see whether he and the associate were prepared to act corruptly. The associate was eventually identified as a man called Saifur Rahman Khan, who lived near Ibrahim.

Over four months, until their arrest, both men were gradually tested to see whether they were honest. A fictional scenario was created which presented them with a chance for Ibrahim to use his position to intervene in a case in exchange for money.

It centred on an assault case which Ibrahim was able to ‘manoeuvre’ in such a way that he was eventually able to mark it ‘no further action’.
Unknown to either man, the case was bogus and specifically created by Soca to test their honesty.

The judge, passing sentence, told Ibrahim that his actions had had a ‘potentially corrosive effect beyond this case’.

Indeed.
With the likes of Dizaei and Ibrahim operating at high levels, Muslim corruption has the potential to corrode law enforcement in this country.


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