- Nick Griffin

Nick Griffin Writes on Anti-White Racist Crime

Well informed nationalists have known for years that the political elite, the media, the police and the courts are covering up an epidemic of racist violence against the long suffering indigenous people of this country. Now a BNP research team has for the first time produced facts and statistics to show just how bad things really are. Nick Griffin looks at the shockingly disproportionate number of brutal racist crimes against white people in Britain and explains what the British National Party is doing to get this life-and-death issue out into the open.

“The last taboo.” That is how a sympathetic journalist who wouldn’t wish to be named described the issue of racist violence against white people to me a few months ago. All sorts of problems caused by mass immigration and multiculturalism are now regularly discussed in the national newspapers; even racist sexual predation by Muslim youths has broken through onto Channel 4 and the pages of The Sunday Times, but still no one will talk openly about the silent epidemic of racist targeting of indigenous Britons for assault, robbery and murder by ethnic minority criminals.

Ask 100 members of the public to name a victim of racist murder in Britain, and it is guaranteed that 99 will answer “Stephen Lawrence.” Ask them to name another and those who can will probably say “Anthony Walker.” Ask them to name an English or British victim and 99 of them will look blank. Some will even be incredulous, brainwashed by decades of media coverage - and non-coverage - into believing that white people cannot be the victims of racism or racist violence, since these are crimes that we do to others, not offences that others commit against us.

The reality, as probably our entire readership already knows, is very different. To find out just how different, we have just completed a detailed analysis of two sets of data produced by pro-multi-cultural Establishment institutions, using their methodology and figures to show that violent racism against indigenous Britons is a major social and law and order issue, one of the most pressing - and distressing - problems of our time.

Ou starting point is the most widely publicised liberal-left ‘analysis’ of racist murder in Britain in recent years - the report issued at the start of August 2006 by the Institute for Race Relations. This featured heavily in the broadcast media, made the front page of The Guardian, and was covered by all the main newspapers with suitable expressions of national guilt and shame.

The Institute for Race Relations study claimed that there had been 45 race murders in Britain since the 1999 publication of the McPherson Report into the Stephen Lawrence murder. It named the victims as:
Andrea Dykes, John Light, Nicholas Moore, Stelios Economou, Harold (aka Errol) McGowan, Liaquat (aka Bobby) Ali, Joseph Alcendor, Ben Kamanalagi, Hassan Musa, Zardasht Draey, Jason McGowan (1999), Zahid Mubarek, Santokh ‘Peter’ Singh Sandhu, Kombra Divakaren, Jan Marthin Pasalbessi, Glynne Agard, Mohammed Asghar, Abdi Dorre, Tariq Javed, Khaliur Rahman, Sarfraz Khan (2000), Gian Singh Nagra, Fetah Marku, Shiblu Rahman, Shaun Rodney, Sharon Bubb, Firsat Dag (2001), Peiman Bahmani, Shah Wahab, Derrick Shaw (2002), Mohammed Isa Hasan Ali, an unnamed Asian man, Paul Rosenberg, Johnny Delaney, Awais Alam, Quadir Ahmed (2003), Kris Donald, Shahid Aziz, Akberali Tayabali Mohamedally, Bapishankar Kathirgamamathan, Kalan Kawa Karim, Lalji Joshi, (2004), Marek Smrs, Kamal Raza Butt, and Anthony Walker (2005).
Now, of course we condemn without reservation all violence and particularly murder, regardless of the race, creed or colour of either the perpetrators or the victims. But we are not prepared to be brow-beaten by Political Correctness into accepting artificially inflated, institutionally anti-white propaganda bias.

DOCTORED LIST

The first three names on the IRR list are those of the victims of David Copeland’s ‘homophobic’ attack on the Admiral Duncan pub in Soho. Clearly the victims of a hate crime, these three whites murdered by a racist who also loathed homosexuals nevertheless have no place on a list of racist murders. If the Soho Bombing was to be included, then it would be in order to balance that by listing the 7/7 Bombings’ dead as the victims of minority racism, but we believe that both sets of murders involved politically motivated terrorism and have no place in the figures on racist killings. That brings the figure down to 42.

Kriss Donald was the 15-year-old white victim of what was probably the most sadistic racist murder in British history. The IRR couldn’t even spell his name correctly but, in any case, he does not belong in a list whose clear purpose is to portray racist murder as a crime against coloured people. That leaves 41.

Three of the alleged victims - Jason McGowan, Shaun Rodney and Harold McGowan - were found dead in circumstances that led the police, even after the white racism hysteria that gripped the Force after McPherson, to conclude that they had committed suicide. That leaves 38.

Fetah Marku was a Kosovan who was beaten to death by a black gang and Kamal Raza Butt died after being punched in a scuffle by a black and mixed-race gang in a heavily multi-racial area of Nottingham. In order to have a true picture of the extent of the problem of white racist violence, both men must therefore be removed from the list. That leaves 36.

A number of the other victims also died in circumstances which make it distinctly questionable whether or not race was a factor. The drug addict who murdered Lalji Joshi, for example, had earlier attacked a number of other homeless people who happened to be white; the passenger who murdered Sarfraz Khan was “off his head on drugs” at the time. Mohammed Asghar was stabbed to death in a fight outside his restaurant, but the jury found that the white defendant had acted in self-defence. Kombra Divakaren was beaten to death by a youth gang who he caught robbing his shop. Although Tariq Javed was murdered by white passengers in his taxi the police said there was no evidence of any racial motivation. Ben Kamanalagi was a bouncer who was beaten to death in retaliation for having thrown a man out of the club where he worked.

Despite the question mark over these six deaths, however, we decided for the purposes of our study to accept their classification as racially motivated, and then use the same IRR assessment criteria in our parallel study of white victims of racial murder.

The IRR report claims that the cases it lists have a “known or suspected racial element …. Many investigated by the police as possible racial crimes.” Their definition of suspicion is clearly broad (significantly broader than the standard that we have set in our assessment of cases involving whites), but generally conforms with the recommendation of the McPherson Report itself, under which any incident is to be regarded as racial if it is perceived as such by someone - whether the victim, their family, members of the local community or political analysts.

So, accepting the IRR’s own assessment, and only removing from their list the most obvious propaganda exaggerations, we accept for the sake of comparison the figure of 36 recorded non-white victims of racially motivated killings by white criminals since February 1999. Clearly this is a shocking figure and one which, taken alone, suggests that there are serious problems festering at the heart of the ‘multi-racial experiment’.

The marked tendency of the police and the media to play down or even ignore incidents of all levels of seriousness when white people are the victims rather than the perpetrators of racial attacks makes it very difficult to collate a comprehensive list of the white victims of racial murder.

Every BNP community activist in every ‘enriched’ part of the country will have first-hand experience of complaints from the victims or relatives of victims in our community of disgraceful and extraordinary police efforts to persuade - even coerce - them not to report incidents with BME (Black Minority Ethnic) perpetrators as ‘racist’.

In so doing the police are ignoring completely the guidelines laid down in McPherson, where it is said that an incident is ‘racist’ if anyone perceives it to be, and that the police have no discretion to contradict victims, relatives, eye-witnesses or even entirely non-connected members of the public.

“No one is to maltreat the Abos in any way …. If there’s anybody watching,” went the Monty Python Australian sketch and, taking us to be the ‘Abos’ (which, in a very real sense, we British Aborigines are), that’s exactly the situation today - except that the authorities don’t just recommend the turning of a blind eye, they actively apply pressure to force people to turn away and see nothing, and if any particularly stubborn natives insist on saying what they saw, the police very often simply refuse to record it.

Further skewing of the statistics arises from the fact that the police are extensively trained to recognise pointers for white racism - the criminal Searchlight gang has even been paid to train young officers in the ‘racist’ implication of certain tattoos and obscure political cult slang.

But a typical English town such as Hastings now has - we were told last month by its proudly multicultural local paper - more than ninety languages spoken by its residents. There are individual schools in London with more than 100 languages among pupils. In which of those languages are the local constabulary trained to recognise ‘racism’?

“Black b******” or “Why don’t you f*** off back to Kosovo?” would immediately be seized upon as evidence of racist motivation sufficient not just to get any accompanying offence classified as ‘racist hate crime’ but also to add several years to the potential sentence. But not a single police force in the country has laid on so much as a single training session or provided a set of recordings to give investigating officers or majority victims the slightest chance of knowing that the non-English verbal accompaniments to a mugging, rape, beating or stabbing meant “English slag”, “white trash” or “get over here and help us teach this kaffir a lesson he’ll never forget”.

Yet without such all round training, policing a multi-cultural society, or analysing crime statistics, inevitably becomes an exercise in demonising and discriminating against the one community whose crimes are likely to be reported as racially motivated, but which becomes virtually invisible when it comes to assessing victim status.

This anti-white bias automatically produces a double dose of what (if it occurred to any immigrant group) liberals would call ‘secondary victimisation’ - the process whereby, having become a victim of some kind of crime, an individual or community is further harmed by lack of remedial action or justice from the Powers That Be.

First, the inability of the police even to recognise anti-white or anti-non-Muslim motives and behaviour means that crimes against these groups fail to receive the priority treatment which is supposed to be given to ‘hate crimes’. Thus there is less chance of the perpetrators being caught and of other potential offenders being deterred by the knowledge that their proposed crime would be taken seriously.

Second, the fact that race hate motiv-ation will not be identified when members of our community are the victims denies them any possibility that the guilty parties will receive the mandatory extra sentence for racially aggravated offences laid down in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998.

The first of these two problems in particular compounds with active police and court bias against recording crimes against our community as racially motivated to produce sharply skewed statistics which drastically downplay the true extent of white victimhood. At the same time, the Politically Correct refusal to face inconvenient facts often produces a media veil of silence which covers up or downplays to minimum local coverage even extremely serious anti-white racist crimes including murder.

Thus the incidents covered in our own investigation into the problem have mainly been traced and recorded with the help of local newspaper reports submitted via the Internet. It is highly likely that the apparent ‘increase’ in the racially motivated killings of white victims from 2001 onwards is in fact accounted for by the growth of Internet use in collecting the details of the attacks, and that the figures for previous years therefore underestimate the full extent of the problem.

Despite these difficulties, the list of white victims of racist murder which we were able to compile for the same period as the IRR report runs to 142 dead. The individual, family and community tragedies involved in each one of the brief accounts of racially motivated (defined according to Institute for Race Relations practice) murder are beyond comprehension. The statistics for racial murder in Britain in 2006 can, by contrast, be readily understood and are best expressed as a ratio…and it’s almost 4:1, i.e. nearly four whites slain for every non-white killed.

The grotesque racial disparity involved in these figures can be understood by considering the percentage of ethnic minority groups within the population as a whole.

In 2006, when the parallel studies ended, BME communities made up approximately 9% of the population. Further back towards 1999, of course, this proportion would have been smaller, but for simplicity of maths and in order to avoid any possibility of being accused of trying to massage the statistics, we will use this maximum figure even though it actually distorts the figures slightly against our argument that race murder in modern Britain is overwhelmingly a BME crime.

INEQUALITIES IN CRIMINALITY

The crime ratio should be equal to the population ratio. So non-whites should be committing approximately 9% of any given crime. However, out of a total of 178 killings classified as ‘racial murders’ according to the IRR criteria, 142 saw white victims slain by BME assailants, with 36 involving the liberal stereotype white racist/coloured victim.

BME killers targeting white victims were thus responsible for a staggering 79% of traceable racist homicides in the UK between 1999 and 2006. This is an over-representation by a factor of more than thirty four.

Thus non-whites were, in the period 1999 - 2006, forty times more likely to be committing racial murders against white people on a per capita basis than the other way round. White victims are over-represented to the same degree.

Shockingly, a further BNP investigation, involving an intensive study of Home Office data and crime statistics by professional Systems Analyst Tony Shell, suggests that this figure - which is essentially based on figures culled from the institutionally anti-white media - seriously understates the true extent of the problem.

Full details of what Mr. Shell (who is also the BNP Plymouth Organiser) has uncovered are published on the ‘Racism Cuts Both Ways’ sub-section of our main website (scroll down to the bottom for Mr. Shell’s excellent pDF format reports). Together with the depressingly long list of white victims of racist homicide, this material provides by far the most in-depth study into the problem ever published in Britain.

In an effort to spread public awareness of this problem, to collect more information about it, and to build support for our efforts to do something about it, the BNP Press Office and Treasury Departments agreed that in addition to our Internet coverage we would also roll out an advertising programme in carefully selected mainstream press organs.

We were encouraged in this by an approach from the Parliamentary Monitor, a highly specialised and influential magazine which circulates among MPs, Chief Execs and similar well-connected members of the ruling political elite.

We were offered the opportunity to buy advertising space in its March edition and, after several weeks of haggling, settled on a full page, which would summarise our findings on this extremely important social and law and order issue, and advertise our online campaign to explain how ‘Racism Cuts Both Ways’.

Although sure that the appearance of such a feature would set off a fire-storm of controversy and publicity, we were less confident that the Parliamentary Monitor would actually have the guts to see the project through. And so it turned out, for within 24 hours of our submitting our carefully and moderately worded copy for the feature, Simon Darby was called by their embarrassed advertising department and told that an editorial decision had been taken to refuse to publish it.

Needless to say, we will not be letting the matter rest there. The new sub-section on our website will be launched regardless by the time you read this. It will include the page rejected by the Parliamentary Monitor. We will try to place advertisements for it in other mainstream publications, and we will be working on other ways to expose the problem and the Establishment’s disgraceful failure to address it.

We will not rest until we have broken this final taboo, just as our growing impact on British politics has already forced the old parties to break the taboo on discussing many less ‘sensitive’ problems created by mass immigration and multiculturalism.

We will do this not because we hate the immigrant populations from which the killers emerge, for we are well aware that the vast majority of them would have no truck with the brutal activities of the criminals in their midst.

On the contrary, the people who must be blamed and held to account for this hidden scandal are the politicians who created the multicultural ‘experiment’, and the media editors, police chiefs and the old gang politicians who have deliberately drawn a curtain of silence around so many of these victims and the misery of their loved ones. They will not forget, and nor will we; neither will we forgive.

This article was first published in the March issue of Identity, Britain’s foremost Nationalist magazine.

See the Identity web site here.

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